The Ghanaian government seems to be taking genuine steps to
address issues of gender-based violence in the country. In February 2013 a new
ministry for Gender, Children and Social Protection was created with a mandate
committed to ensuring gender equality, the promotion and protection of
children, and the empowerment of the vulnerable through social protection
interventions. The current Minister with this portfolio is the founder, and
former director, of the Human Rights Advocacy Centre, where I am currently
volunteering.
There has been a push towards tackling violence against
women and girls and violent acts against women and girls are criminalised in
the Children’s Act, the Domestic Violence Act, the Human Trafficking Act, and
amendments of the Criminal Offences Act. Customary servitude and Female Genital
Mutilation (FGM) are also criminalised.
Despite these laws, women and girls in Ghana remain
adversely affected by sexual abuse, physical violence, harmful traditional
practices, child labour, and socio-economic violence. In 2011, the Domestic
Violence and Victim Support Unit of the Ghanaian Police recorded 12,906 cases
of various forms of violence against women nationwide.
HRAC recently carried out research into violence against
girls in schools, which revealed that 52 per cent of girls surveyed had been victims of
violence in school and 14 per cent had experienced sexual abuse. HRAC also carried out
research into spousal murders, which revealed that two spousal murders are
reported every month in Ghana.
However, as stated above, initiatives are being taken with
the aim of combating gender-based violence. For example, there is now a
Domestic Violence and Victim Support Unit within the Ghanaian Police, with 97
offices nationwide. Police, healthcare providers and social welfare officers
now receive training in gender-based violence. There are also now two
specialist gender-based violence courts: one in Accra and one in Kumasi. It was
the Accra court that I had the opportunity of visiting.
The gender-based violence court is interesting in that it
has both civil and criminal jurisdiction. Its focus is mainly, though not
exclusively, on offences stipulated under the Domestic Violence Act 2007 (Act
732), including physical abuse, sexual abuse, economic abuse, emotional, verbal
or psychological abuse occurring within the context of a domestic relationship.
It also deals with gender-based violence cases arising outside of domestic
relationships, including defilement, rape and indecent assault. Under its civil
jurisdiction it deals with matrimonial and adoption cases.
The reasoning behind having a specialist court is the
acknowledgment that sexual violence and domestic violence can often have a
particularly harrowing effect on the victim and that justice should be served
speedily and adjudicated by specialist judges.
I recently had the opportunity of accompanying one of HRAC’s
Human Rights Clinic clients to the Gender-Based Violence Court. Her very young
daughter is the complainant in a defilement case. Defilement, in Ghanaian law,
requires carnal knowledge of a child under 16 years of age, with or without
consent (s.101(2) Criminal Code, Act 29, 1960).
There were a number of things that initially struck me on
arrival at court, aside from its very dilapidated state. The first was that,
unlike any other court I’ve been to, there were no security guards or bag
searches at the entrance. We just strolled in. The next thing that struck me
was just how busy the courtroom was. The public gallery was packed. It was
difficult for us to find a seat. Many cases are dealt with in a day and the
defendants, rather than being in a dock, are all seated along the side of the
room, in handcuffs, waiting for their case to be called. I noticed that one of
the defendants was staring at me intensely for the entire morning. I wondered
at the ability of someone to engage in a form of sexual harassment while
waiting for his trial for gender-based violence to be called on.
I was surprised that all the day’s defendants were in court,
along with their legal teams and many members of the public. Given that all the
cases concerned gender-based violence, and actually all the cases I sat through
that morning involved sexual assault on young children, I was surprised that
the cases were heard in public at all.
I was also surprised by the way in which cases were listed.
In the UK, of course, the preference is for a case to be heard as far as
possible in one go, or at the very least over consecutive days without
interruption. Perhaps an hour or so in the morning might be reserved for a
judge to hear bail applications, but, by-and-large, once a judge and jury start
to hear a case they will then continue to hear that case before starting on the
next matter. In Ghana it is very different. In my few hours in court I must
have seen tiny parts of seven or eight different cases. Each of those cases was
part heard; a new witness was called; and then the matter was adjourned,
sometimes for several months, before calling on the next witness. The reasoning
for this appears to be a combination of (i) ensuring flexibility in order to
encourage witnesses to appear; and (ii) making sure the trial at least begins
expeditiously for the sake of both victims and remand prisoners. However, given
that the trial can then last months, heard in extracts with week-long gaps in between, I
wonder how expeditious this method really is. I also worry about the ability of
the judge (there is no jury system in Ghana) to recall the facts and the
evidence in each case, given it is so spaced out and so intermixed with other
cases, often involving similar facts.
The first matter I heard was a sentencing in a defilement
case in which the defendant had been found guilty of raping a five year old
girl. The defendant stood quietly and was represented by his lawyer, who gave a
very short plea in mitigation, which seemed to focus solely on the defendant’s
young age. I was surprised that the lawyer in question didn’t make any other
submissions in mitigation. The judge was robust in her answer. She stated that
she found no mitigating factors whatsoever, and that as the defendant had
abused a position of trust, and taking into account the very very young age of
the defendant and the injuries caused to her, the offence was particularly
aggravated. She commented that she was minded to impose a sentence of life, but
instead imposed a sentence of 20 years with hard labour, less the one year the
defendant had already spent on remand. There were gasps around the courtroom.
This was the most severe sentence I have ever been privy to in a court anywhere
in the world, including in cases of murder. It is sobering to witness a
sentence like that being passed, no matter how heinous the crime.
Eventually our matter was called on. We had been concerned
that our key witness, a doctor, had under cross-examination retracted all the
evidence she had previously given in her medical report. We were therefore
today waiting to hear if the defence would make an application of no case to
answer, and if it would be accepted.
Unsurprisingly, the defence did make their submissions. The
advocate emphasised the constitutional importance of the presumption of innocence,
and the high burden to be met by the prosecution. The judge gave this short
shrift, stating that this was not the time to make a closing speech. The
question was not whether there was reasonable doubt, but whether the
prosecution had made out a prima facie case. The trial would therefore
continue. The matter was the adjourned for a week.
I was concerned to learn that the complainant, who is under
6, would give evidence. Trials involving such young children must of course
consider their rights and it would be wrong to suggest their evidence should
not be heard. What concerns me is the lack of guidance around how their
evidence is put before the court. In the UK, a child's evidence in family
proceedings would normally be obtained by a CAFCASS officer who would ascertain
the views of the child. In criminal matters, careful consideration would first
be given to whether the child was capable of giving coherent evidence, and the
public interest (including the best interests of the child) in that evidence being heard. Any evidence would be given by pre-recorded video interview, so as to
shield the child from the intimidating courtroom environment and, of course,
prevent them from coming face-to-face with the alleged perpetrator. The proceedings
would have to take into account the extensive Ministry of Justice guidance on obtaining
best evidence.
However, in Ghana is seems there is no guidance for dealing with
child victims/witnesses. In cases involving a juvenile defendant, the case is
normally heard in the judge’s chambers. In cases like defilement
cases, where there is an adult involved, it is up to the judge to decide how to hear the evidence. This can result
in children aged 5 giving evidence in open court, which as described above, might
be full to the brim, noisy and intimidating, even for an adult. This is an area
of concern.
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