Between
my court visits and Human Rights Clinic shadowing, I have been working on an
opinion for HRAC on the Constitutional Review Commission’s recommendations for
the new Constitution (see post here http://theflyinglawyer.blogspot.com/2014/07/hrac-my-second-assignment.html).
One
of the recommendations that particularly struck me was that the death penalty
be abolished and be replaced with the punishment of life without parole. Whilst
the formal abolition of the death penalty is, in my opinion, undoubtedly a good
thing (Ghana has been abolitionist in practice since 1993), I was concerned
that the Commission advocated the sentence of life without parole without any
analysis of the human rights implications of imposing such a sentence.
The
attraction for the CRC of recommending life without parole as an alternative to
the death penalty is understandable. It would allow the government to clam they
are protecting the public by permanently removing serious offenders from
society and appeases public outcry at the release of convicts on parole. However,
the reality of the alternative punishment is frequently a protracted, hopeless
death in unspeakable conditions (for more on this see this article by Garden
Court Chamber’s Tom Stoate http://www.theguardian.com/profile/tom-stoate).
This has serious human rights implications which have not at all been addressed
in the CRC’s analysis.
Whole
life sentences, for example, fail to take into account an individual’s capacity
for redemption and rehabilitation, something of which there is growing legal
recognition. Although and individual’s right to liberty under Art. 9 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) is a qualified
right, and can be deprived in accordance with the law on the basis of ensuring
public safety; where an individual no longer represents a threat to society and
has demonstrated genuine remorse, any further period of imprisonment may be
deemed arbitrary and thus unlawful. Art. 10 ICCPR states that detained persons
must be treated with human dignity, and arbitrary incarceration is cruel and undignified.
There
is a growing body of case law condemning the use of whole life or other
indeterminate sentences. For example, in James,
Wells and Lee v the United Kingdom (2012) ECHR 1706, the European Court of Human Rights ruled “arbitrary and unlawful” the operation of
indeterminate sentences, currently being served by prisoners in England and
Wales. Justice Bratza, the President of the Court said:
“I consider that the time has come when the
court should clearly affirm that the imposition of an irreducible life
sentence, even on an adult offender, is in principle inconsistence with article
three [freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or
punishment] of the [European] convention”.
In
2006, Lord Phillips, former President of the Supreme Court of England and Wales
said:
“Some murderers are being sentenced to a
minimum of 30 years, or even full-life terms. But I sometimes wonder whether,
in 100 years’ time, people will be as shocked by the length of sentences we are
imposing as we are by some of the punishments of the 18th century.”
In
Vinter v the United Kingdom [2012]
ECHR 61, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights held that
whole life sentences, where the prisoner has no hope of release, were inhuman
and degrading and therefore unlawful. The Court held that for the Convention to
be compatible with the European Convention, there had to be both a possibility
of release and a possibility of review.
Art.
10 ICCPR states that the “essential aim”
of the penitentiary system is “reformation
and social rehabilitation”. The essential aim is not, therefore, punishment
or revenge. Imprisonment for life with no hope of parole destroys any
possibility of social reformation. Nowhere is this clearer than in the case of
Douglas Vinter, who was sentenced to whole life imprisonment in the UK after
committing a double murder. In a letter he wrote to the Guardian newspaper he
said:
“I
am sitting in the segregation unit and have been for a number of weeks. I was
involved in a stabbing (not fatal) on the wing. You see how I can admit in a
letter to an offence as serious as that. It’s because the judge when he
sentenced me to natural life gave me an invisible licence that said I can
breach any laws I want, no matter how serious, and the law can’t touch me. I’m
above the law. I said to the governor, don’t waste any money on investigations,
just give me another life sentence for my collection. They don’t mean anything
any more.”
Whole
life sentences are even more disturbing when they are made mandatory, and there
is a growing body of case law which indicates that the imposition of a
mandatory life term of imprisonment offends the principles of a fair hearing.
This is particularly so where a sentencing hearing gives the court no scope to
mitigate a life term regardless of an individual’s personal circumstances and
the circumstances of the offence for which they fall to be sentenced. In The State v Vries [1997] 4 LRC, the High
Court Namibia held that a mandatory minimum sentence was unconstitutional as it
infringed the protection against cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment
guaranteed by Art. 8(2)(b) of the Constitution. This was followed in State v Likuwa [2000] 1 LRC 600, where
mandatory minimum sentences were struck out for all purposes.
Lord
Bingham, sitting in the Privy Council in the De Boucherville case said:
“The sentence of life imprisonment is now the
most severe penalty for which the law provides. There is ground for concern if
the sentence is imposed on those who, despite the seriousness of their crime,
could be adequately punished by a determinate sentence. Indeed, any mandatory
or minimum mandatory sentence arouses concern that it may operate in a
disproportionate manner in some cases. It was considerations of this kind which
led the Supreme Court of Canada to conclude that a mandatory 7 year minimum
sentence for importing drugs was incompatible with section 12 of the Canadian
Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which guaranteed that no one should be
subjected to cruel and unusual treatment or punishment: R v Smith (Edward
Dewey) [1987] 1 SCR 1045.”
The
Statute of the International Criminal Court, which deals with the grossest
offences, including genocide, provides for a maximum of 30 years imprisonment. Even
this can only be justified by the “extreme
gravity of the crime and the individual circumstances of the convicted person”.
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